Thursday coverage on Congress Vote Tracker rotates to legislator profiles and scorecards. This one focuses on Sen. Gary Peters (D-MI), using published vote records and report-card metrics to answer three practical questions: how often he shows up, how often he works across party lines on bills, and how he voted on several high-visibility March 2026 Senate decisions.

This is a neutral data profile. It does not rate whether a vote was good or bad policy. Instead, it shows where the record is clear, where the record is mixed, and where more context is still needed for a full long-term trendline.

0.6%
Votes missed in the 118th Congress (4 of 680), per GovTrack
54%
Of his cosponsorships were on bills introduced by non-Democrats
24
Bills GovTrack credits as enacted under his sponsorship in the 118th Congress

Attendance snapshot

Attendance is a baseline measure before ideology or strategy debates. In GovTrack’s 2024 report card for Peters, he is listed as having missed 0.6% of votes (4 of 680) in the 118th Congress, with a percentile placement shown on the source page.

No single attendance metric captures all context. Missed-vote rates can reflect medical leave, official travel, or leadership assignments. Still, the available record places Peters in the low-absence range compared with Senate peers.

Cross-party bill activity

GovTrack’s same report card gives a useful cross-party signal. It says that 54% of the bills Peters cosponsored were introduced by a non-Democrat. That is a cosponsorship behavior metric, not a roll-call metric, but it helps frame where he engages outside party caucus lines.

GovTrack also reports that Peters had 24 sponsored bills become law in the 118th Congress, including standalone enactments and provisions folded into larger packages. That count is one indicator of legislative output in the source methodology.

Key March 2026 vote positions

Below are four notable Senate votes from late March 2026 where Peters’s vote is clearly recorded in Senate roll-call records. Every vote row links to the corresponding Congress.gov roll-call page, and every measure links to Congress.gov bill text.

DateVoteMeasureFinal tallyPeters vote
Mar. 26 Senate Roll Call #74 (cloture on motion to proceed) H.R. 7147 53-47 (failed 3/5 threshold) NAY
Mar. 25 Senate Roll Call #71 (reconsidered cloture on motion to proceed) H.R. 7147 54-46 (failed 3/5 threshold) NAY
Mar. 25 Senate Roll Call #69 (motion to discharge) S.J.Res. 116 47-53 (rejected) YEA
Mar. 24 Senate Roll Call #63 (nomination vote) PN858 (DHS Secretary nomination) 54-45 (confirmed) NAY

What pattern this shows, and what it does not

In this March sample, Peters voted against two procedural cloture attempts on H.R. 7147, supported a discharge motion on S.J.Res. 116, and opposed the Homeland Security secretary confirmation in vote #63. In this four-vote sample, he was on the losing side in three votes and on the prevailing side in one.

But four votes do not define a senator’s full ideological arc. The longer baseline matters. Peters’s low missed-vote rate and higher cross-party cosponsorship share suggest a profile that is active and institutionally engaged, even when his floor positions in a specific week align with one side of a chamber split.

How to read this scorecard

Two method notes are important for readers comparing members across chambers. First, procedural votes and final-passage votes are different signals. A senator can oppose a cloture motion for tactical reasons and still support parts of the underlying policy in committee work or amendment negotiations. Second, cosponsorship metrics and roll-call metrics describe different behaviors. Cosponsoring can indicate coalition-building and agenda-setting, while roll calls show final public positions at decision points.

For that reason, CVT presents both side by side instead of collapsing everything into a single grade. In this profile, Peters shows relatively high attendance and substantial cross-party cosponsorship activity, while his late-March floor record in the highlighted set leans toward opposition on two major procedural motions and one nomination. Readers should treat this as a transparent snapshot, not a full-term ideological label.

Money and transparency context

Campaign finance and influence analysis should always be handled carefully: money data can show exposure, but not direct causation for any one vote. For transparency context, OpenSecrets maintains a public profile for Peters with donor and sector reporting, and CVT links that source so readers can inspect the underlying records directly.

As always, if you want this converted into a stricter party-loyalty score model, the next step is expanding the sample from four votes to a full session vote set and calculating conference alignment percentages vote by vote.